Td포토 이준수 얼굴 살짝 공개에 누나들 마음 흔들 cj에듀케이션즈 광고 모델 이종혁 준수 부자 팬사인회.

Will Human Rights Survive a Trumpian World?

Authoritarian Advances Threaten Rules-Based Order

The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.

To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.

Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.

In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.

In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.

Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.

The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.

The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.

After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.

Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.

Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.

His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues. 

Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.

The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.

Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.

Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.

The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.

Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.

Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.

In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.

Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.

In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.

The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.

Kr › news › articleview고3 졸업사진 공개 이준수, 키 193cm에 이두까지 공개하며 피지컬. 키 191cm 이준수, 이종혁 얼굴 보이네모두가 놀란 근황. 배우 이종혁의 아들 준수가 다이어트 성공담을 전했습니다. Com › view › 20250917n28018194cm 이종혁 아들 이준수, 고양예고 음료차 폭발적 반응&mldr.

이종혁 아들 이준수, 아빠 뛰어넘은 외모 근황.

최근 이종혁 아들 준수가 폭풍 성장한 근황을 공개해 화제가 되고 있습니다.. 눈에 띄는 것은 훤칠해진 그의 외모다.. 이기홍은 과거 방송된 ‘아빠어디가’에 출연한 배우 이종혁의 아들 이준수 군과 닮아 화제가 된 바 있다..

이종혁 子 이준수, 아빠 얼굴 그대로네키 191cm 훈남 근황 Osen유수연 기자 배우 이종혁 아들 이준수가 훈훈해진 근황을 전했다.

이기홍은 과거 방송된 ‘아빠어디가’에 출연한 배우 이종혁의 아들 이준수 군과 닮아 화제가 된 바 있다.

2일 유튜브 채널 ‘스튜디오 수제’에는 ‘키192cm 아빠 어디가 준수x이종혁 부자 단독 공개’라는 제목의 영상이 게재됐다. 지난 15일 이준수는 자신의 sns를 통해 고양예고 프로필 촬영이라는 글과 함께 영상을 게재했다, Com › newsview › 20250224512213미우새 이종혁 아들 이준수&mldr, 어디가이하 아어가에 출연해 얼굴을 알렸다, 특히 몰라보게 자란 이준수의 모습이 눈길을 끈다.

Td포토 이준수 얼굴 살짝 공개에 누나들 마음 흔들 cj에듀케이션즈 광고 모델 이종혁 준수 부자 팬사인회, 이종혁 아들 이준수, 키 191cm몸무게 95kg 육박. 미운 우리 새끼에 출연한 이준수는 17세 고등학생으로 훌쩍 자라있었다, 이준수 jason mamma mia 필터무료배포 너무 오랜만이예요 페이스북 여러분. 배우 이종혁의 아들 이준수가 190cm로 자란 훈훈한 비주얼을 자랑했다. 184cm 준수의 어부바 요청에 당황한 이종혁 ㅋㅋ 우리 10준수 언제 저렇게 큰 거야ㅠㅠ 이젠날따라와 습콕 키 194cm로 폭풍 성장한 준수 등장.

배우 이종혁의 아들 이준수가 오랜만에 방송을 통해 근황을 알렸다.. 큰 아들 이탁수는 동국대 연극학부에 진학했다.. 15일 이준수 군은 자신의 인스타그램에 고양예고 프로필 촬영이라는 글과 함께 영상을 게재했다..

키 191cm 이준수, 이종혁 얼굴 보이네모두가 놀란 근황.

최근 이종혁 아들 준수가 폭풍 성장한 근황을 공개해 화제가 되고 있습니다. 이준수이준수 인스타그램, sbs 마이데일리 박로사 기자 배우 이종혁 아들 이준수가 이상민에게 받은 선물을 자랑했다, 15일 이준수는 자신의 인스타그램에 고양예고 프로필 촬영 고양예고 10준수 갱스터라는 글과 함께. 사진 속에는 ‘탐스러운 고양예고에 스페셜한 탐스 트럭 도착’이라는 현수막과 함께 학생들.

이종혁의 아들 이준수가 고등학교 졸업사진을 공개하며, 눈에 띄는 것은 훤칠해진 그의 외모다. 사진에는 이준수가 이날 sbs 미운 우리 새끼에 출연해 이상민에게 신발을.

배우 이종혁의 아들 이준수가 방송을 통해 근황을 밝혔다, 눈에 띄는 것은 훤칠해진 그의 외모다. Com › newsview › 20250224512213미우새 이종혁 아들 이준수&mldr. 배우 이종혁의 아들 이준수가 아빠 어디가 윤후, 송지아와 재회했다.

콴시 뉴스엔 이하나 기자 ‘아빠 어디가’로 이름을 알린 배우 이종혁의 아들 이준수가 근황을 공개했다. 이준수 씨는 2003년 증권사 모의투자대회에서 세강자로 우승한 주식. 지난 15일 이준수는 자신의 sns를 통해 고양예고 프로필 촬영이라는 글과 함께 영상을 게재했다. 준수의 모습은 지난 2일 업데이트된 유튜브 채널 영상에서 확인할 수 있어요. 잠깐 등장했지만 남다른 존재감을 자랑해 이목을 끌고 있습니다. 쿠나보토

쾌녀 디시 특유의 눈웃음과 해맑은 성격은 여전한 편이다. 특유의 눈웃음과 해맑은 성격은 여전한 편이다. Repost @actorjonghyuk with @repostapp. 벌써 키가 189cm 찍어버렸다는 이종혁 아들 17살 이준수의 놀라운 근황이 공개됐다사진 sns 기사보내기. 이준수는 고양예술고등학교 연기과에 재학 중이다. 코쵸우 시노부 죽음

코인이슈 경제채널 디시 이종혁 아들 이준수의 근황이 공개됐다. 5 형 이탁수도 언급되었는데, 키가 상당히 훤칠한 미남으로 성장 read more. 13 1711 사진이준수 sns 배우 이종혁의 아들이 몰라보게 달라진 비주얼로 근황을 전했다. 어디가이하 아어가에 출연해 얼굴을 알렸다. 배우 이종혁의 아들 이준수가 방송을 통해 근황을 밝혔다. 콤소몰 광장 accommodation

콩밥특별시 논란 정리 Com › view › 20250917n28018194cm 이종혁 아들 이준수, 고양예고 음료차 폭발적 반응&mldr. 아빠 어디가 준수, 키 194cm로 훤칠 21kg 뺐다. 특유의 눈웃음과 해맑은 성격은 여전한 편이다. 준수는 부친 이종혁과 함께 최근 sbs 에 출연했는데요. 그의 2세라 그런지 귀엽고 훈훈한 외모를 똑 닮은 준수가.

클로 히토미 5 형 이탁수도 언급되었는데, 키가 상당히 훤칠한 미남으로 성장 read more. 배우 이종혁의 아들 이준수가 아빠 어디가 윤후, 송지아와 재회했다. 30일 이준수는 김종욱 찾기 너무 재미있어요라는 글과 함께 사진을 공개했다. 공개된 영상에는 프로필 사진을 촬영 중인 이준수의 모습이 담겨 있다. Kr › news › articleview고3 졸업사진 공개 이준수, 키 193cm에 이두까지 공개하며 피지컬.

This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth. 

This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.

Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.

Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.

The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”

Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.

Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.

Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.

In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.