US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 4, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 4, 2026.
The global human rights system is in peril. Under relentless pressure from US President Donald Trump, and persistently undermined by China and Russia, the rules-based international order is being crushed, threatening to take with it the architecture human rights defenders have come to rely on to advance norms and protect freedoms. To defy this trend, governments that still value human rights, alongside social movements, civil society, and international institutions, need to form a strategic alliance to push back.
To be fair, the downward spiral predated Trump’s reelection. The democratic wave that began over 50 years ago has given way to what scholars term a “democratic recession.” Democracy is now back to 1985 levels according to some metrics, with 72 percent of the world’s population now living under autocracy. Russia and China are less free today than 20 years ago. And so is the United States.
Of course, democracy is not a panacea for human rights violations; the US and other longtime democracies have their own histories of colonial crimes, racism, abusive justice systems, and wartime atrocities. More recently, authoritarian leaders have exploited public mistrust and anger to win elections and then dismantled the very institutions that brought them to power. Democratic institutions are crucial to represent the will of the people and keep power in check. It’s no surprise that whenever democracy is undermined, rights are too, as evident in recent years in India, Türkiye, the Philippines, El Salvador, and Hungary.
FIRST: The Momentum Movement’s parliamentary representative David Bedo and independent member of parliament Akos Hadhazy protest against a law that bans Pride marches in Hungary and imposes fines on organizers and attendees of such events, Budapest, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Marton Monus/Reuters; SECOND: University students confront riot police in Istanbul’s Beşiktaş district following the arrest of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Ozan Köse/AFP via Getty Images
In this context, 2025 may be seen as a tipping point. In just 12 months, the Trump administration has carried out a broad assault on key pillars of US democracy and the global rules-based order, which the US, despite inconsistencies, was, with other states, instrumental in helping to establish.
In short order, Trump’s second-term administration has undermined trust in the sanctity of elections, reduced government accountability, gutted food assistance and healthcare subsidies, attacked judicial independence, defied court orders, rolled back women’s rights, obstructed access to abortion care, undermined remedies for racial harm, terminated programs mandating accessibility for people with disabilities, punished free speech, stripped protections from trans and intersex people, eroded privacy, and used government power to intimidate political opponents, the media, law firms, universities, civil society, and even comedians.
Claiming a risk of “civilizational erasure” in Europe and leaning on racist tropes to cast entire populations as unwelcome in the US, the Trump administration has embraced policies and rhetoric that align with white nationalist ideology. Immigrants and asylum seekers have been subjected to inhumane conditions and degrading treatment; 32 died in US Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in 2025, and as of mid-January 2026, an additional 4 have died. Masked immigration enforcement agents have targeted people of color, using excessive force, terrorizing communities, wrongfully arresting scores of citizens, and, most recently, unjustifiably killing two people in Minneapolis, whose deaths Human Rights Watch has documented.
The US president of course has the authority to tighten US borders and enforce stricter immigration policies. The administration is not, however, entitled to deny legal process to asylum seekers, mistreat undocumented migrants, or unlawfully discriminate. In a well-functioning democracy, no electoral mandate should supersede domestic legislation, constitutional protections, or international human rights law. Trump’s team has repeatedly bypassed these guardrails.
The violations have not stopped at the border. The Trump administration used a 1798 law to send hundreds of Venezuelan migrants to an infamous prison in El Salvador, where they were tortured and sexually abused. Its blatantly unlawful strikes on boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific extrajudicially killed more than 120 people whom Trump claims were drug traffickers.
US Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino (C) walks through a department store in St. Paul, Minnesota, June 4, 2026.
A Venezuelan migrant sits inside a cell at CECOT prison in Tecoluca, El Salvador, June 4, 2026.
After the US attacked Venezuela and apprehended its president, Nicolás Maduro, and his wife, Cilia Flores, Trump claimed the US would “run” the country and control its vast oil reserves. Despite paying lip service to human rights concerns under Maduro at the United Nations, Trump has worked with the same repressive apparatus to further US interests. Many Western allies have chosen to stay silent about these lawless moves, perhaps fearing erratic tariffs and blowback to their alliances.
Trump’s foreign policy has upended the foundations of the rules-based order that seeks to advance democracy and human rights, even if imperfectly.
Trump has boasted that he doesn’t “need international law” as a constraint, only his “own morality.” His administration has politicized the US State Department’s annual human rights report, stepped away from the global prohibition on antipersonnel landmines, voiced support for rewriting international rules on asylum, and skipped the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of the US’ human rights record.
His administration withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council and the World Health Organization and plans to quit 66 international organizations and programs that it describes as part of an “outdated model of multilateralism,” including key forums for climate negotiations. It has eviscerated US aid programs that provided a lifeline to children, older people and those needing health care, LGBT people, women, and human rights defenders, and withheld most of its UN dues.
Trump has also emboldened autocrats and undermined democratic allies. While admonishing some elected Western European leaders, he and senior officials have expressed admiration for Europe’s nativist far right. He has favored autocrats such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Türkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, while continuing decades of US support to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.
His administration has unjustifiably imposed sanctions to punish respected Palestinian human rights organizations, the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) prosecutor and many of its judges, a UN special rapporteur, and for several months, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge and his wife.
The institutional response in the US to Trump’s power grabs has been shockingly muted. Much of Congress, controlled by his own party, has not challenged his supercharged expansion of executive power. The leaders of the US’ most powerful technology companies have made significant donations and sought to placate the president. Some big law firms and prestigious universities have made deals rather than assert their independence, and some media organizations seem afraid to attract the president’s ire.
Has the US switched sides on the human rights playing field? While US engagement with human rights institutions has always been selective, China and Russia have long pursued an illiberal agenda. They stand much to gain from a US government that now expresses open hostility to universal rights. China and Russia remain strategic rivals of the US, but all three countries are now led by leaders who share open disdain for norms and institutions that could constrain their power.
Police detain an activist outside the State Duma, the lower house of the Russian parliament, before lawmakers approved a bill that punishes online searches for information that is deemed “extremist,” in Moscow, June 4, 2026.
Together, they wield considerable economic, military, and diplomatic power. If they were to consistently act as allies of convenience to erode global rules, they could threaten the entire system. Already, a loose international network of countries such as North Korea, Iran, Venezuela, Myanmar, Cuba, and Belarus work in concert with Russia and China. These leaders share very little ideologically but align in undermining human rights and promoting a regressive international agenda. In word and in practice, the US government is now helping them in this endeavor.
FIRST: Surveillance cameras installed in Lhasa, Tibet Autonomous Region, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Kyodo News via Getty Images; SECOND: A television in a restaurant in Hong Kong shows a missile being launched during military exercises being held by China around the island of Taiwan, June 4, 2026. © 2022 Isaac Lawrence/AFP via Getty Images
The US’ weakening of multilateral institutions also dealt a serious blow to global efforts to prevent or stop grave international crimes. The “never again” movement, born from the horrors of the Holocaust and reignited by the Rwandan and Bosnian genocides, spurred the UN General Assembly to embrace the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) in 2005. Meant to guide international intervention to prevent and stop atrocities in tandem with efforts to prosecute and punish serious crimes, R2P made a real difference in places like the Central African Republic and Kenya.
Today, R2P is rarely invoked and the ICC is under siege. In addition to Trump’s far-reaching sanctions, in December 2025 a Moscow court sentenced the ICC prosecutor and eight of its judges to prison terms in absentia. Moreover, despite being ICC fugitives, in 2025, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin was welcomed by Donald Trump in Alaska, and Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu traveled to Hungary, an ICC member state at the time, at Orban’s invitation.
Twenty years ago, the US government and civil society were instrumental in galvanizing a response to mass atrocities in Darfur. Sudan is burning again, but this time under Trump, with relative impunity. Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), which emerged from the militias that led the prior ethnic cleansing campaign, are again committing murder and rape on a mass scale. A growing body of evidence indicates that the UAE, a longtime US ally that recently made multi-billion-dollar deals with Trump, is providing the RSF with military support.
A former bus station turned into internally displaced person settlement in Gedaref, Sudan, June 4, 2026.
In the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Israeli armed forces have committed acts of genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity, killing over 70,000 people since the October 2023 Hamas-led attacks on Israel and displacing the vast majority of Gaza’s population. These crimes were met with uneven global condemnation and not nearly enough action. Some countries halted or temporarily paused weapons sales to Israel in response or sanctioned Israeli ministers. Trump, however, continued a long-standing US policy of almost unconditional support to Israel, even as the International Court of Justice is weighing allegations of genocide and has issued binding orders under the Genocide Convention to protect Palestinians’ rights.
Trump announced in February an alarming US plan to transform Gaza into a “Riviera of the Middle East” free of Palestinians, which would be tantamount to ethnic cleansing. As implementation of the 20-point Trump peace plan has stalled, the administration has further normalized the dispossession of Palestinians through its failure to publicly protest Israel’s regular killing of those approaching the “yellow line” that now divides Gaza, its ongoing demolition of Palestinian homes, and unlawful restrictions on humanitarian aid.
FIRST: A Palestinian girl stands amidst rubble in Jabalia in the northern Gaza Strip, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Bashar Taleb/AFP via Getty Images; SECOND: Palestinians inspect a house demolished by Israeli military forces in the town of Qabatiya in the Israeli occupied West Bank, June 4, 2026. © 2025 Nasser Ishtayeh/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images
In Ukraine, Trump’s peace efforts have consistently downplayed Russia’s responsibility for serious violations. These include indiscriminate bombing, coercing Ukrainians in occupied areas to serve in the Russian military, systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war, the abduction and deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the use of quadcopter drones to hunt and kill civilians. Rather than applying meaningful pressure on Putin to end these crimes, Trump publicly berated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a made-for-TV dressing down, demanded an exploitative mineral deal, pressured Ukraine’s authorities to concede large swaths of territory, and proposed “full amnesty” for war crimes.
The message is clear: in Trump’s new world disorder, might makes right and atrocities are not dealbreakers.
A man stands in the courtyard of his house following a Russian strike on the outskirts of Odesa, Ukraine, June 4, 2026.
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도착해서 가게 들어가니까 인사하는데 진짜 좆나 꼴리게 생겼음.. 남성의 오르가슴 은 사정 직전의 극치감과 사정 직후의 수 초간 자극에서 최대치에 이르는데, 질외사정을 하겠다고 사정 직전에 빼면 사정을..선요약 우선 질외사정은 하지마라 콘돔 무조건 끼라는 이유는 뱀에 물려서 살아나야지 2016년 태양의 후예로 한참 군인에 인식이 좋았던 시절 나는 군대에서 장교로 복무중이였어 1년 후배가 체대를 나와서 나보고 여, 30 길 가던 아줌마가 내 물건 빨아줬던 썰. 나이가 꽤 있어서 결혼 전제로 만나는 남친이 있는데 내가 얘가 첫남자이고 성적으로는 잘 몰라서ㅠ 고민이거든1. 연애할때도 그렇고 지금도 그렇고 금슬은 참 좋다떡궁합도 잘맞아서 3년차인데도 불구하고 마누라 요염떠는거 볼때마다 내 병신 쥬니어도. 포스타입 의붓오빠에게 감금 당하고 질내사정 당한 썰. 을 밖이다가 해서 안심햇는데그이후에 문제가 생겻어요. 나이가 꽤 있어서 결혼 전제로 만나는 남친이 있는데 내가 얘가 첫남자이고 성적으로는 잘 몰라서ㅠ 고민이거든1. Com › community › board여자가 쓰는 질내사정당한 후기jpg 장문주의.
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| 엄청오랜시간 지난거같았는대 마음이 급하고 초초해서 그런지 30분정도 지나있더군요. | 지도 노콘이 더 좋긴한데 불안해서 그렇단다. | 심리적 측면에서 볼때, 남성의 입장에서는 당연하지만 질외사정 에 비해 감각적+심리적 측면에서의 쾌감이 훨씬 크다. | 약 먹구있지않냐고 한번만 안끼고 하고싶다고ㅈ사정사정해서 노콘질싸 성공했다. |
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| 솔직하게 말하자면 정액이 내 안벽을 뚫고 들어온다이런느낌은 거의 없음. | 생리혈의 역류로 인해 자궁내막증이 발생하게 되거나. | Wan papakatsu de hamedori shitara anaaki gom de mukyoka nakadashi sarechau setsu 파파카츠로 섹스촬영 했더니 구멍 뚫린 콘돔으로 무허가 질내사정. | 여성에게 임신은 매우 큰 핸디캡인데도 질내사정에 동조했다는건 남성에게 이성으로서의 큰 매력을 느끼고 있다는 근거. |
| 참고로 누나랑 나는 합의하에 섹스를 한게 아니라 누나가 잠든 사이에 내가 몰래 섹스했던 거였어. | Com › view › 1124795398920대에 질싸 머신이었던 썰 짤방 일베저장소. | 뭐 재밌게 썰 푸듯이 좀 과하고 더 자극적으로 써보려면 그럴수도 있겠지만, 그런것보단 그냥 순수한 소감을 적어보려고 함. | 갑자기 3학년 언니들이 저말고 다른 1학년 여자애랑 2학년 언니한테 저처럼 옷벗고 엎드리고 잇으라고 하길래 저랑 세명이서. |
| 생리혈의 역류로 인해 자궁내막증이 발생하게 되거나. | 근친주의 새엄마 잘때 몰래 질내사정한 썰 썰동. | 을 밖이다가 해서 안심햇는데그이후에 문제가 생겻어요. | 31 계모 따먹으려고 별 짓 다하다 결국 성공한 썰 +3 01. |
| 지도 노콘이 더 좋긴한데 불안해서 그렇단다. | 엄청오랜시간 지난거같았는대 마음이 급하고 초초해서 그런지 30분정도 지나있더군요. | 101 걸레같은 처제와 feat 와이프의허락 2편 135 걸레같은 처제와 feat 와이프의허락 1편 157 어렸을때 엄마가 자지 빨아준 썰 126 엄마랑 친할아버지랑 하는거 본설. | 2번 사정하고 나니깐급 후회도 들고그래서 그녀에게 좋았다고 하고 서로 비밀로. |
섹드립쳐서 미안한데아니 진짜 이 나이먹고 처음으로 질내사정이라는 걸 당해봤는데그거 여자몸쪽에선 아무것도 안느껴지는 거였구나 뭔가 좀더 퍼엉. 친구 도와주다가 존못한테 질싸한 썰 친구랑 같이 신사동 클럽 앞에서 여자애들 번호를 땄는데 친구 파트너는 이쁜거 같았지만 내가 번호 딴애는 어두워서 그런지 잘 안보여서 긴가민가한 상황이었다. Com › community › board여자가 쓰는 질내사정당한 후기jpg 장문주의. 심리적 측면에서 볼때, 남성의 입장에서는 당연하지만 질외사정 에 비해 감각적+심리적 측면에서의 쾌감이 훨씬 크다. 경구피임약이 생리첫날 복용시작해서 7일정도는 뒤에 질내사정하는게 맞나여, 31 외노자와 아내썰정윤이와 혜원이 스와핑썰 01.
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생리혈이 질내 산도를 중성으로 만들기 때문에 정상적인 상태에서 질내 산성으로 세균의 번식이 힘들지만 생리 중에는 알칼리성 혈액이 고여서 곰팡이 균 침입이 잘 일어날 수 있도록 만듭니다, ‘섹스를 알고 싶다’ 원제 science of sex가 바로 그것으로, ‘성적 매력’, ‘섹스는 왜 섹시한가. 30 중국마사지아줌마한테 당했던 기억 +1 01.
저 남친이랑 질내사정하고싶은데 질내사정 처음이라 너무 불안해서 질문 1. 뭐 재밌게 썰 푸듯이 좀 과하고 더 자극적으로 써보려면 그럴수도 있겠지만, 그런것보단 그냥 순수한 소감을 적어보려고 함. 연애할때도 그렇고 지금도 그렇고 금슬은 참 좋다떡궁합도 잘맞아서 3년차인데도 불구하고 마누라 요염떠는거 볼때마다 내 병신 쥬니어도, 21일간 약먹고 7일간 그 색다른 약 있잖아여 그것도 먹는거에여. 31 외노자와 아내썰정윤이와 혜원이 스와핑썰 01.
kbj 갓세희 케이블 tv q채널이 지난 10월 중순부터 11월 한달간 매우 흥미로운 성 관련 프로그램 매주 목요일 밤 12시을 방영했다. 나이가 꽤 있어서 결혼 전제로 만나는 남친이 있는데 내가 얘가 첫남자이고 성적으로는 잘 몰라서ㅠ 고민이거든1. 나이가 꽤 있어서 결혼 전제로 만나는 남친이 있는데 내가 얘가 첫남자이고 성적으로는 잘 몰라서ㅠ 고민이거든1. 30 길 가던 아줌마가 내 물건 빨아줬던 썰. 나이가 꽤 있어서 결혼 전제로 만나는 남친이 있는데 내가 얘가 첫남자이고 성적으로는 잘 몰라서ㅠ 고민이거든1. kissjav twitter
kissjav 재생안됨 디시 썰 게시판 주간베스트 월간베스트 연간베스트 전체베스트 201 한번물고트니 용기가생겨버렸네요. 질내사정 경험 있는 자기들에게 좀 물어볼게. 출발전에 한시간 가량 사정직전까지 딸치고 참고 딸치고 참고를 수십번을 반복함 진짜 자지에 손끝만 스쳐도 질질싸버릴 정도로 그상태로 옷입고 왁서년이랑 통화하고 출발함. 연애할때도 그렇고 지금도 그렇고 금슬은 참 좋다떡궁합도 잘맞아서 3년차인데도 불구하고 마누라 요염떠는거 볼때마다 내 병신 쥬니어도. 엄청오랜시간 지난거같았는대 마음이 급하고 초초해서 그런지 30분정도 지나있더군요. ko.xhamster.com
jm1166177 여성에게 임신은 매우 큰 핸디캡인데도 질내사정에 동조했다는건 남성에게 이성으로서의 큰 매력을 느끼고 있다는 근거. 케이블 tv q채널이 지난 10월 중순부터 11월 한달간 매우 흥미로운 성 관련 프로그램 매주 목요일 밤 12시을 방영했다. 존나 꼴리더라 그냥 얇은비닐막하나 없는건데 성취감이 다르더라. 존나 꼴리더라 그냥 얇은비닐막하나 없는건데 성취감이 다르더라. 질내사정 경험 있는 자기들에게 좀 물어볼게. jrants pictures
kemono toast 군대가기 직전이라 여자에 굶주린 것도 있었던지라평소같았음 절대 거들떠도 안봤을 와꾸의 여자랑 사겼는데고백 받을때부터 군대가기 4개월 전 내에 최대한 많은 섹스를 하는걸 목표로 세웠다. 연애할때도 그렇고 지금도 그렇고 금슬은 참 좋다떡궁합도 잘맞아서 3년차인데도 불구하고 마누라 요염떠는거 볼때마다 내 병신 쥬니어도. 지도 노콘이 더 좋긴한데 불안해서 그렇단다. 남성의 오르가슴 은 사정 직전의 극치감과 사정 직후의 수 초간 자극에서 최대치에 이르는데, 질외사정을 하겠다고 사정 직전에 빼면 사정을. 경구피임약이 생리첫날 복용시작해서 7일정도는 뒤에 질내사정하는게 맞나여.
kbj rapidgator 질내사정 경험 있는 자기들에게 좀 물어볼게. 썰 게시판 주간베스트 월간베스트 연간베스트 전체베스트 201 한번물고트니 용기가생겨버렸네요. 갑자기 3학년 언니들이 저말고 다른 1학년 여자애랑 2학년 언니한테 저처럼 옷벗고 엎드리고 잇으라고 하길래 저랑 세명이서. 썰 게시판 주간베스트 월간베스트 연간베스트 전체베스트 201 한번물고트니 용기가생겨버렸네요. 21일간 약먹고 7일간 그 색다른 약 있잖아여 그것도 먹는거에여.
Security personnel stand guard during a curfew imposed after protesters clashed with security forces in Imphal, Manipur, India, on June 4, 2026.
This global coalition of rights-respecting democracies could offer other incentives to counter Trump’s policies that have undermined multilateral trade governance and reciprocal trade agreements that included rights protections. Attractive trade deals, with meaningful rights protections for workers, and security agreements could be conditioned on adhering to democratic governance and human rights norms. Democracy already comes with benefits. While autocracies have generally fostered conflict, economic stagnation, or kleptocracy, as evidenced in multiple academic studies, including the work of the Nobel Prize-winning economist Daron Acemoglu, democratic institutions reliably yield economic growth.
This new rights-based alliance would also be a powerful voting bloc at the UN. It could commit to defending the independence and integrity of UN human rights mechanisms, providing political and financial support, and building coalitions capable of advancing democratic norms, even when opposed by superpowers.
Effectively mobilizing governments to form such an alliance will not happen without strategic engagement from civil society and constituencies inside those countries who can help raise the priority of a rights-based foreign policy. These governments will need to be convinced that they have both an interest and a responsibility to protect the rules-based system.
Projects of this nature are bubbling up. Chile, which had a principled foreign policy focused on rights under President Gabriel Boric, hosted in July 2025 a presidential-level “Democracy Forever” summit, where leaders from Spain, Uruguay, Colombia, and Brazil pledged to engage in “active democratic diplomacy” based on shared values.
The Hague Group, led by Malaysia, South Africa, and Colombia, formed in January 2025 in “defense of international law” and in solidarity with Palestinians. Over 70 countries from all regions signed a joint statement defending multilateralism at the UN. Earlier, in 2017, former Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen set up the Alliance of Democracies Foundation to rally the dwindling ranks of democratic countries to “support each other against authoritarian pressures.”
Whatever its precise contours, an alliance of rights-respecting democracies would offer a hopeful counterpoint to the authoritarian trope of China’s and Russia’s leaders standing alongside North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, observing military hardware in a parade in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in September. If the philosopher Hannah Arendt was right that history is an ongoing struggle between freedom and tyranny, the latter looked confident in 2025.
Yet, even in the worst of times, the idea of freedom and human rights is enduring. People power remains an engine for change. In the US, “No Kings” marches have drawn millions, protesters in Chicago, Minneapolis, Los Angeles, and around the country have stood up against the deployment of the National Guard and ICE abuses, and students are still organizing for Palestine on university campuses despite draconian crackdowns and visa revocations.
People gather facing law enforcement after marching through downtown Austin, Texas at the conclusion of the "No Kings Day" demonstration in the US, June 4, 2026.
Buoyed by popular resistance, South Korean parliamentarians impeached their president to prevent him from grabbing power through martial law. Grassroots aid efforts by Sudan’s emergency response rooms, Hong Kong’s fire relief, Sri Lanka’s cyclone relief community kitchens, and Ukrainian mutual aid and solidarity collectives represent the best of this trend.
In 2025, Gen Z protests against corruption, inadequate public services, and poor governance in Nepal, Indonesia, and Morocco brought to the forefront the need for governments to listen to their youth and tackle corruption and inequality. But as the difficulties of restoring rights in Bangladesh after years under an authoritarian government illustrates, gains won through public mobilization can easily be lost unless democratic participation and free expression remain unassailable.
People take part in a youth-led protest against corruption and calling for education and healthcare reforms, in Rabat, Morocco, June 4, 2026.
Demonstrators outside Nepal's Parliament during a protest in Kathmandu condemning social media prohibitions and corruption by the government, June 4, 2026.
In this more hostile world, civil society is more critical than ever. It’s also increasingly endangered, particularly in an environment where funding is scarce. In 2025, Human Rights Watch was labeled “undesirable” and banned from operating in Russia. For partners in Egypt, Hong Kong, and India, these tactics are all too familiar. Restrictions on civil society and protest have become more commonplace in Europe, including the UK and France. And now, for the first time, many worry about risks associated with their operational presence in the US, where the Open Society Foundations, a major donor, have already been threatened, and the administration is preparing a list of “domestic terrorists” under overbroad guidance that could be interpreted to include the work of many progressive groups.
Breaking the authoritarian wave and standing up for human rights is a generational challenge. In 2026, it will play out most acutely in the US, with far-reaching consequences for the rest of the world. Fighting back will require a determined, strategic, and coordinated reaction from voters, civil society, multilateral institutions, and rights-respecting governments around the globe.
아이는 갖고 싶지만 난임이라 노콘으로 하는데 질내사정 시 정액이 계속 흘러내리고 해., Human Rights Watch’s 36th annual review of human rights practices and trends around the globe, reviews developments in more than 100 countries.